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CHINA’S
DIPLOMACY DURING THE INDO-PAKISTAN WAR, 1971
MEHREEN KHAN
The outbreak of the East Pakistan crisis in March 1971, gave rise to
certain political issues of internal importance such as those of separation,
East Pakistani displaced persons, foreign intervention, and external armed
aggression. The Chinese official attitude towards the crises and the issues
arising out of it, was made public for the first time on 12th April, by
Prime Minister Chou En-Lai. In this letter China considered the ‘happening
in Pakistan is purely its internal affair, to be settled by Pakistani
people without foreign interference.
Throughout the period of the crisis and the ensuing Indo-Pakistan war.
China consistently followed the policy it had adopted in April. The principles
of this policy were reiterated and the pledge of support to Pakistan was
reaffirmed in November when Mr. Bhutto visited Peking as the personal
representative of President Yahya Khan.
The Chinese viewpoint regarding the crisis was stated in a speech by Mr.
Chi Peng-fei. Acting Foreign Minister, which was later endorsed by Premier
Chou en-lai. China reiterated its previous pledge that ‘should Pakistan
be subjected to foreign aggression’.
China would ‘resolutely support the Pakistan Government and people
in their just struggle to defend their State sovereignty and national
independence’.
During the Indo-Pakistan war, which began on 22nd November, when the Indian
army crossed into East Pakistan, China remained in constant contact with
the government of Pakistan, reaffirming its support to Pakistan and denouncing
India and the Soviet Union on various occasions.
China’s support to Pakistan and the denunciation of Indo-Soviet
collusion became more pronounced during the war. This was apparent also
from the speeches made in the United Nations. While extending support
to Pakistan, China consistently emphasized the principles to which it
adhered. At the same time China repeatedly recalled what the Soviet Union
had done in Czechoslovakia, and India in Tibet and Kashmir.
China’s support to Pakistan was not confined to verbal criticism
of the Indo-Soviet role but was also practically demonstrated in the UN.
China moved a draft resolution (which it later withdrew) which condemned
India, asked the warring parties to withdraw their troops, and called
upon ‘all states to support Pakistan’ in its struggle to resist
‘Indian aggression’. China voted for the General Assembly
resolution of 7th December and the Security Council resolution of 21st
December calling for a ceasefire and withdrawal of troops. However, it
expressed its dissatisfaction with the resolution in that it did not condemn
India and support Pakistan against the India’s aggression. It expressed
its solidarity with Pakistan by strongly opposing the Soviet proposal
to invite a ‘Bangla Desh’ representative to take part in the
UN debate and by vetoing the Soviet resolution that called for a ceasefire
without withdrawal. Had China not been a permanent member of the Security
Council, the Soviet resolution of 5th December which secured two affirmative
votes of Moscow and Poland with twelve abstentions, would have been passed.
Thus China’s presence in the UN proved a source of strength for
Pakistan.
The last important official statement made by China on the Indo-Pakistan
war came on 16th December. Although it was issued on the day on which
the Pakistan forces surrendered in East Pakistan, it appears that at the
time of issuing the statement, China did not know about the surrender.
China’s stand on the basic issues involved, i.e. non-intervention,
Indian aggression, and the Soviet role in the war, remained the same.
Apart from that there were some significant points pertaining to the situation
in the statement.
Chinese said Pakistan was willing ‘to seek a political solution...
in the spirit of understanding and cooperation’.
China’s reaction to the occupation of Dhaka by the Indian army was
reflected in Premier Chou’s meaningful remark that the ‘fall
of Dhaka is…the starting point of endless strife on the South Asian
subcontinent and of their (the Indians’) defeat’. That this
was a reassertion of the 16th December statement shows how and with what
purpose China was looking at the changed situation in the subcontinent.
It is evident from the statement of 16th December that China’s support
was not only moral and diplomatic but practically it comprised material
assistance also. After the suspension of arms supply to Pakistan by the
US and other Western countries, Pakistan had no alternative but to lean
heavily on the Chinese source. Since the US embargo, China had been Pakistan’s
main supplier in the period 1966-71, during which it had provided Pakistan
with 133 million dollars worth of arms. After the crisis, China supplied
‘all the weapons and ammunition’ that Pakistan needed. Not
only that, but some were supplied free.
The major factor that prevented direct Chinese involvement in the war
was the existence of the Indo-Soviet treaty. Article 9 of the treaty provides
for holding mutual consultations and ‘taking appropriate effective
measure,’ in case any of the parties ‘is attacked or threatened
with attack. The treaty, on the one hand, strengthened China’s support
to Pakistan; on the other, it confirmed the Soviet entry into the war
on India’s side, in case of China’s intervention. ‘India
could not have liberation Bangla Desh (without) the treaty of friendship
with the Soviet Union.
China could not help more actively because it had always opposed the use
of force to settle disputes. Even its disputes with the USSR and the United
States it wanted to settle by pacific means on the principle of peaceful
coexistence. All Chinese statements and speeches about the Indo-Pakistan
dispute carried an appeal for negotiations and its peaceful settlement.
To sum up, it must be said that China supported Pakistan as much as was
possible for it to do so. The extent and nature of the support varied
according to the prevailing situation. The support was friendly but cautious
in the initial period of the crisis, stronger and more practical, though
short of physical intervention, in its final phase. That China will continue
to be a helpful friend of Pakistan is evident from the Sino-Pakistan and
Sino-American joint communiques, With the Indian occupation of East Pakistan,
the balance of power in Asia had been upset. China faced two adversaries,
to its north the USSR and to its south India, which is heavily depending
upon soviet arms to maintain its dominance in the subcontinent. The USSR,
most likely to use this dependence to encircle China, is also making moves
towards Tokyo for this purpose. Time will show the Chinese reaction to
this new development. It is not without significance that there has been
an increase in the activities of the Naxalites, who are believed to be
ideologically akin to the Chinese.
MEHREEN KHAN
CLASS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND
CRISIS MANAGEMENT
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