Ten
years of civil war, state of emergency and the merciless killing of
more than 13 thousand innocents proved that Nepal is weak structurally,
conceptually and institutionally for any kind of conflict resolution
methods or practices. This pedagogical blindness and a general lack
of understanding on conflict resolution research proved costly to
the Nepali state as it relied heavily on military solution to the
Maoist conflict. Only after 2006 that the Nepali political parties
negotiated with the Maoists, agreed on the core demand of the election
to a Constituent Assembly and the rebels also decided to lock up their
weapons together with that of the Nepal Army in UN monitored cantonment
sites. However, despite of initial euphoria, the Nepali peace process
has now hit roadblocks of a different kind. A simmering discontent
among people of the terai long infested by exclusion and lack of opportunity
has from the last two years exploded into a full-fledged conflict
along ethnic, racial and linguistic lines. Newer potential fault-lines
have emerged in the otherwise harmonious religious character of the
nation after the reinstated parliament abruptly got away with Hinduism
and declared the country ‘secular’ without properly considering
the implications of such a rushed and hasty declaration. The consequence
is that for the first time that there have been riots and blasts on
the issue of religion. Nepal must not only analyze why continued conflict
resolution attempts have failed in the terai and other areas of the
country wherein different ethnic groups are demanding a plethora of
demands but also evaluate the frailty on the part of the government
structures on social motivation, press handling, mobilizing academics
and intellectuals for peace-building despite of such a heavy price
paid during the period of the Maoist insurgency.
Rather
than adopting a problem-solving behavioral approach to the many challenges
that the state faces such as federalism, issue of integration of the
Maoist guerrillas into the state security forces and the promulgation
of a new, inclusive, democratic Constitution within the stipulated
deadline of May 2010, the main actors seem to be still adhering to
the contentious often belligerent attitude with rival political parties
which has led to frustration among the common man at a remarkable
short period of time. More research, free and frank discussion, deliberation
on various concepts, models and processes of conflict resolution is
required at the level of political parties and the civil society if
the country is to make headway towards peace, development and prosperity
after a brutal decade of death and destruction.